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Governance of domination or construction of social transformation from below

Governance of domination or construction of social transformation from below


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By Prof. Dr. José Antinoe Fiallo Billini

Intervention in the Analysis of the Situation What makes the Country governable? Organized by the "Centro Juan Montalvo". Let's see.

Intervention in the Analysis of the Situation What makes the Country governable? Organized by the "Centro Juan Montalvo"

To those who have said and done: We are willing and willing; we want to; we and we can; we and we did it; we and we trust each other and we have filled ourselves with it.

1. Introduction

Let me tell you that it could be interesting that my intervention moves in an intention to contrast real processes in our society and intentional proposals for the transformation of those environments, contexts or environments. It turns out that I do not use the concept of ‘governance’, and I do not use it because I do not share it, and it may be useful to specify this point of view after my contrast between realities and transformations: what is our society like? Are there ways of change or transformation of it? Why? Let's take a look at some elements, aspects or components of the way in which I intend to approach my point of view.

2. Areas of reality and their counterparts of intentions and transformations

In the first place, I selected and constructed some areas such as social realities (that express oppression and domination) and some possible responses (that express needs and intentions for transformation and liberation) in order, perhaps, to better demonstrate what I am proposing. Let's see.

2.1 The Coasts: we can verify, among other elements, a general and rapid deterioration of the coral reefs, loss of inhabitants dedicated to fishing and occupation of them by hotel capital (especially international corporations and their partners from the 'Creole bourgeoisie '), who, just as they expel original subjects from those territories, co-opt others to integrate them into the periphery of their reproduction.

2.1.1 Coastal Reform: for this reason, we need to protect coral reefs and in that sense, the entire coastal-marine ecosystem, develop low-density tourism with direct community control and fishing associations and cooperatives oriented to economic justice and custody and protection of these ecosystems.

2.2 The Countryside or Rural World: we observe a massive rural depopulation (from 70% in 1961 to 40% in 2003) and the loss of the condition of small and medium owner and producer, with more than 750,000 peasant settlers without land to survive and improve the quality of your life.

2.2.1 Agrarian Reform: a response is urgently needed to restore a certain population-territorial balance, land for the peasantry that does not have it and for the development of associative companies and peasant cooperatives without large estates and with a high degree of social and socio-political organization of rural social subjects.

2.3 Cities: de-peasantization has generated a high concentration of urban population (30% 1961 to 60% 2003) in overcrowded territories, with a migration to urban centers abroad (diaspora) of close to one million original inhabitants, while a high speculation of urban real estate capital in privileged areas, with hundreds of thousands of urban poor who mobilize in survival strategies.

2.3.1 Urban Reform: to this critical situation, of increasing explosiveness, it is necessary to respond with the radical urban improvement of the territories of overcrowding and poverty, urban land for new habitats and for cooperative and associative enterprises, exchange and recreation of the so far excluded and excluded. Make some cities of them and them.

2.4 In Companies: whatever their nature, minimum hunger wages prevail (between 1,600 to 3,500 pesos), without the participation of workers and employees, with absolute control of the bourgeois minority of shareholders and managers, without freedom of organization in unions or guilds (low-cost dictatorships).

2.4.1 Reform of the Company: it is appropriate, in this sense, to assume the intention of the company as a community relationship (everything for everyone and for everyone), with participation, control of benefits for those who create wealth there: it is a participatory economy.

2.5 Infrastructures: airports, highways and tolls, ports, electric power have been privatized for the benefit of a small transnational bourgeois elite and their so-called 'Creole' partners, airports, highways and tolls, ports, electricity and now it is being considered with water and even urban parking systems.

2.5.1 Infrastructure Reform: in the sense that it, as a sociocultural construction, belongs to the scope of social and / or public enterprises in a local, municipal, provincial or regional structuring.

2.6 Health and Social Security: there has been the privatization of savings and contributions for pensions, retirement and health insurance, as well as a process of progressive destruction of the public 'network' to feed banks, companies, private health networks to increase the processes of financial accumulation, speculation in the stock markets and their 'collateral damages': no ​​prevention, deaths and exclusion by age.

2.6.1 Reform of Social Security and Health: assume public health as a situation of functioning of society (a good society, which produces justice and therefore optimal conditions to live well); and build a social and / or public network that supports prevention and can be curative when required, based on a public fund managed by the subjects not to accumulate and speculate and make the usual little group richer.

2.7 Schools and Universities: every day the trend towards privatization and non-participation in educational centers (including the UASD which is no longer democratic), centralization in Rectors, Directors of Centers, Secretariat of Education, Banks and financing agencies is accentuated and managing bureaucracies.

2.7.1 Education Reform: emphasize dialogic, cooperative, meaningful and participatory strategies, focused on Collectives and Decision Assemblies as well as liberating socialization strategies for those below, and not for 'competitiveness' among those above from here and abroad.

2.8 Communication: a growing concentration of the media owned by financial groups has been developing, with increasing manipulation of discourses, images and information, either for political reasons of association with the political system or for reproductive interests of bourgeois fractions in competition.

2.8.1 Communication Reform: responding to a global strategy of democratic and participatory socialization, emphasis on building community media associated with the different levels of social organization (local, municipal, regional or national) so that they can express speech, images, intentions and needs of the popular classes.

2.9 Parties: as evidenced in recent years, they have been built as minority interest groups to guarantee the interests of bourgeois minorities (rich and rich) from the country and abroad, for which they have organized administrative apparatuses based on fraud , clientele, money and advertising manipulation promoting one-person leadership and regional and local leadership.

2.9.1 Reform of the Political Organization: emphasis on making or building new forms of socio-political organization to overcome the category of 'party', in a dynamic from below, from social movements that express the need for macropolitical articulation and strategies as routes of convergence of new alternate powers.

2.10 Political System: the forms of organization of political society maintain a 'reformulated' Trujillo structure, highly centralized in the so-called 'Executive Branch' with a parliamentary screen that is an aguaje ('Legislative Branch') controlled by the former and without the slightest dynamics of participation (they say they choose and do what they want), and with frequent acts of hypocrisy and deception that they have called 'national dialogues'.

2.10.1 Reform of the Political System: begin to generate new organicities of power from 'civil society below', from Assemblies and Committees of direct democracy, representations under daily control, right to petition and accountability from the beginning of rotation and exchange of experiences, without privileges of any nature.

2.11 International Politics: we have been transitioning to a colonial situation in North American domination, manifesting itself economically in the governmental and bourgeois attempts of a free trade agreement with Yankee imperialism and a growing military association with the Southern Command of the armed forces of that imperialism, to the point of unworthy and shameless support for the US aggression against Iraq.

2.11.1 Reform of International Politics as Internationalism of the Underdogs: reject integration in a colonial free trade agreement, subordination to military and terrorist schemes of the United States, producing articulation of the Caribbean and regional social and socio-political movements to build a Antillean and regional power from the peoples and popular classes.

2.12 Ethics of Oppression: an ethic that systematically justifies, theft, violent appropriation, crime and civil war, enrichment, dispossession, oppression, the superiority of the 'Westerner' has spread, taking the face of impudence, the folkloric turn and the supposed sincerity of the recognition that is made to guarantee the frank interests of the minorities that allow us to live badly, but live.

2.12.1 Moral Revolution: someone said more or less a long time ago that "the revolution will be moral or it will not be" (Mounier), and it is an ethic of sacrifice, surrender, sharing and giving without waiting ('giving is give 'says Fito Páez the singer-songwriter), to be overwhelmed, to free oneself and to help liberation. It is the construction of a ‘bad’ conscience, a systematic, permanent, and implacable reflective conscience for those who possess it.

2.13 Crisis of Popular Alternatives: to close these contrasts, despite the obvious signs of non-legitimacy of the parties and the organic forms of political society, the traditional political practices of control and social domination are still hegemonic, even those that, within of the left and popular movements, rely on apparatus, maneuvers and verticalism.

2.13.1 To build revolutionary social movements and political expressions: from below, from the diversity of subjects that make up the popular classes, in vast territorial and sectoral expressions, articulations from the local and national, combining the daily and existential with the ability to generate Popular powers with macro-political dimensions and dynamics: it is not about 'taking power', it is about making power from now on, now, counter-hegemonically as a strategy and this is a new, diverse, creative and activating political practice.

3. Governance no, social transformation that is self-government from below

At the beginning of our intervention we said that we did not use the concept of 'governability', and we did not do it and we do not do it because it is not about making this unjust society 'governable', that is, the exercise of manageable hegemonic power, for that social organization that: it deteriorates the coasts, de-peasants and impoverishes the countryside, concentrates in the cities that are poorer every day, its institutions and companies are unfair and non-participatory, its infrastructural creation is privatized, as well as social security and health and education services , concentrating the media in the hands of the bourgeois elite, with parties and a political system of minorities, rapidly trying to model and organize ourselves as a Yankee colony, taking into account an ethical reference of a shameless "band of thieves".

With good reason Gregorio Luperón told us that "we are too governed to be well governed & # 8230; it is necessary that this disappear and that the provinces, districts and communes live freely within the nation & # 8230;"; and Américo Lugo affirmed that "Dominican governments have never been servants of the people, but rather their dominators & # 8230; represent injustice covered in legality." In this sense, we must make the effort, because when interpreting the suggestive reflections of Luperón and Lugo, make this current capitalist society 'ungovernable', as unjust, oppressive and exclusive, by also echoing a suggestion by Eugenio Deschamps on the one hand and Gregorio Luperón on the other: "& # 8230; we constitute ourselves in power & # 8230;" "& # 8230; popular power is always more powerful than all tyrants." For this, an alternative strategy that returns to the communities and subjects the coasts, our fields and cities, companies and institutions, infrastructure, social security, schools, universities, communications, political organization and political society, as well as relations with the world from of a solidarity, committed and liberating ethic. It is about transforming society, not making it governable, controllable, viable for the accumulating hegemonic elite. It is about a radical social transformation, a democratic and popular revolution, which, as Eugenio María de Hostos said, establishes "the right of all with the power of all." That process that needs to be built is self-government in the ‘extra-parliamentary’ sense suggested by Pedro Francisco Bonó in his text "The Extra-parliamentary Congress." Aug-government from the new social relations that are being built as transformations from below, from civil society below, from within those below. It is not about making this unjust capitalist social order ‘governable’. The point is that it cannot be ‘governable’ because a new society emerges, from below, parallel, counter-hegemonic, which advances, gains ground, opens its spaces, builds new relationships and therefore transforms from resistance and popular proposal.

4. Bibliographic references

4.1 Fiallo Billini, José Antinoe. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTICIPATION IN A POPULAR STRATEGY. Seminar of the Committee for the Defense of Neighborhood Rights (CODADEBA). March 1990. Simón Bolívar Polytechnic.
4.2 Fiallo Billini, José Antinoe. STRATEGY PROPOSAL FOR THE REFORM AND TRANSFORMATION OF POLICY IN POLITICAL SOCIETY AND CIVIL SOCIETY. Seminar of the UASD, Konrad Adenaner Foundation and Commission for the Reform and Modernization of the State. July 19, 1997. Dominican Fiesta Hotel. Santo Domingo.
4.3 Fiallo Billini, José Antinoe. CHANGE AND DEMOCRACY: ACTIVE, CREATIVE AND POPULAR STRUGGLE. First Regional Book Fair Santiago'97. Cibao Regional Theater. Julio Alberto Hernández Room. Santiago de los Caballeros. October 7, 1997.
4.4 Fiallo Billini, José Antinoe. ALTERNATIVE PROPOSALS, SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION AND POPULAR ACTION. Debate on the National Dialogue. INTEC. February 11, 1998. Santo Domingo.
4.5 Fiallo Billini, José Antinoe. SUGGESTIONS FOR DISCUSSING A REVOLUTIONARY STRATEGY THINKING BACKWARD. Open Civic Encounter. AMD. February 12, 1999.
4.6 Fiallo Billini, José Antinoe. FROM BELOW AND FROM THE INSIDE. Inter-neighborhood Community Forum ‘Role of Popular Organizations’ of the Poveda Center. Santa Ana Polytechnic Institute. December 10, 2000. Santo Domingo.
4.7 Popular Participation Commission. PROPOSAL OF POPULAR PARTICIPATION FOR THE CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM. CONARE. 1st. February 2001. Santo Domingo.
4.8 Fiallo Billini, José Antinoe. LIBERALISM, AUTHORITARIANISM AND INSURGENCE. Science and Society No. XXVII, No. 2. April-June 2002. Page 224. Santo Domingo.

* By Prof. José Antinoe Fiallo Billini
April 5, 2003
Bonó Center Calle Josefa Brea # 65
Santo Domingo


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