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By Jorge Eduardo Rulli - Maximiliano Mendoza
The new global division of labor turns us from "the world's granary" into "world's foragers." On the other hand, we added, “from the point of view of the traditional oligarchy, it is seen that, despite all the intelligence or cunning put into play, that oligarchic system is no longer functional to the global system. Of course, the same surnames will now appear in company consortia; but the modes of exercise of power, the modes of exercise of domination, the nuclei from which they are fixed, vary. Thus, even though it is the same set of individuals, the social logic that is deployed to assert their dominance is not the same. "
Everything - or almost everything - that we affirmed then, we could reaffirm today, twelve years later, with the certainty that its contents remain fully valid and that they were anticipatory. The years that have elapsed, unfortunately, have given us enough reason, and have also highlighted the dangerous drifts of thought and political actions of all those who, from biased views and anchored in the seventies, refused to consider the new equations of globalization and the new configuration of power in our country, as well as they refused the need to reflect on their previous experiences and, above all, they flatly refused the proposals to open political debates that would make it possible to close the enormous failures that they dragged with them, for that way, not to repeat them again, something that to a certain extent has happened throughout all these years.
An Argentine-style Nomenklatura (1) At the beginning of the last decade, the emergence of a new ruling class began to become notorious, as a result of the deepening of a new primary-export productive scheme, promoted by the State, transnational capital and their partners. local, and characterized by its deep dependence on global markets. A new oligarchy linked to a model of a country that provides raw materials that, in addition to the sojisation of the territory, is complemented by mega-mining, fracking, monoculture of trees and other extractive projects hegemonized by important transnational corporations.
This new oligarchy installed its leadership stealthily. An oligarchy distant from the once “bovine oligarchy” that imposed itself on the country in the late nineteenth century, at the behest of then-president Julio A. Roca. This sector, which had its most genuine representation in the Argentine Rural Society (SRA), would lead - with brief intervals - the destinies of Argentina during a good part of the 20th century.
But the historical irruption of this new non-landlord oligarchy (that is, an oligarchy that does not base its economic power on property but on the use of the land) configures a decisive fact that few have dared to analyze. The link established by the soybean model between financial capital and scientific-technical research profoundly transformed the agrarian production scheme and redefined power relations. It is enough to recall some of the definitions of one of the greatest exponents of this new sector, Gustavo Grobocopatel: “I am a farmer and I don't have land, I don't have tractors or harvesters. And this is the biggest innovation in the country. In Argentina, unlike the world, today you don't have to be the son of a farmer or rancher to be a farmer. You have a good idea and you have money, you go, rent a field, and you are a farmer. This is an extraordinary and democratic process of access to land, where land ownership does not matter; what matters is the property of knowledge ”.
It is evident that this new oligarchy does not belong to the universe of the so-called “patrician families”. Its genealogy connects with European immigration (and other immigration currents) of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, all characterized by a humble social origin. Today, many of his descendants made their fortunes from a prebendary relationship with the State, others had important relationships with the financial apparatus of the Communist Party of Argentina, and others have taken advantage of their political-economic relationships with the United States, with the State of Israel and with organizations such as the Council of the Americas, the World Jewish Congress, the Bilderberg Club, and others.
Accepting this reality implies a change in consciousness and an understanding of the new challenges posed by globalization. Ultimately, it is about knowing how to recognize not so much the enemy that we must face, but about recognizing the problem that lies ahead and that we must solve, in order to identify those responsible. Unfortunately, Kirchnerism and its left wing acolytes, along with a good part of the activists and intellectuals from the so-called revolutionary Peronism of the 1970s, not only refused to recognize this new ruling class as an oligarchy but, on the contrary, They supported it, endorsed many of its demands, made a good part of its modernizing discourses their own - especially regarding the value of cutting-edge technologies and the power of knowledge - and built on these material bases an epic narrative bordering on the grotesque .
For years we have witnessed constant demands in favor of the indigenous peoples who were victims of the Desert Campaign, and important movements of citizenship were even gestated to remove the statue of former president Julio Argentino Roca from the place where it is located (in the Av. Diagonal Sur of the City of Buenos Aires). We do not point to the justice or not of these demands -which, without a doubt, require a judgment of history-, but we emphasize the malicious implementation of this type of demands that, throughout the past decade, have been fully functional to the official purpose of confronting the already almost lifeless old oligarchy, with the aim of continuing to make the new owners of power invisible. The same distracting and disorienting role has played the prolonged litigation to remove the statue of Christopher Columbus from the vicinity of the Government House. The prevailing progressivism and the new globalized oligarchy need to shed the aesthetic and historical attributes that shaped the power of their predecessors, and demand new discursive modalities that pay tribute to the tattered flags and popular memories, which they use with total impudence in the actuality.
Today, the progressive political leadership - as in a political management - governs in the name and interest of their true masters, as virtual managers of a company called Argentina. But given the need to hide this type of global servility, the simulacra is desperately used, the staging necessary to carry out the projects of global capitalism in the name of social revolution. These grotesque simulacra today exhibit a supposedly Peronist government - or one that surpasses the old Peronism on the left, as some of its alleged philosophers claim - that is promoting a devaluation requested by those who control financial capital and foreign trade on behalf of the "sovereignty", and also has a "Marxist" Minister of Economy who applies an orthodox economic adjustment celebrated by the entire establishment.
Despite its nightmarish characters, the tensions that progressive campers establish based on their cover-up stories, do not go much beyond litigating the name of the streets, the location of a statue, that of "scoring" a supermarket owner for being abusive or propagandize gender and discrimination issues at a purely discursive level. It is always about focusing attention on the accessory, and covering up or distracting ourselves from what is really important.
When in Argentina the existence of Eduardo Elsztain is "discovered" The most rude or pathetic features of these double discourses, interspersed with ignorance and bets on modernity and growth, occurred in 2008, when during the so-called "rural crisis ”, Néstor Kirchner summoned to fight against the oligarchy represented by the Mesa de Enlace, no less than, from the offices that Eduardo Elsztain himself lent him for that purpose, in the exclusive neighborhood of Puerto Madero.
Elsztain is probably Argentina's greatest fortune: he is the owner of IRSA Inversiones y Representaciones S.A., the largest real estate corporation in the country; He is also the owner of CRESUD, an agricultural company that manages more than one million hectares in the Southern Cone; and controls the Mortgage Bank, acquired during the menemato thanks to funds provided by billionaire George Soros.
Elsztain also owns the largest shopping malls in the country, and owns several luxury hotels and smart buildings, such as the Intercontinental Hotel and the Bouchard Plaza building, headquarters of Microsoft Argentina, both located in the City of Buenos Aires. He also has many links between the most powerful groups of global capitalism: he is part of the board of directors of the Endeavor Foundation in Argentina, he is a prominent member of the World Jewish Congress and he is also a member of the International Advisory Committee of the Presidency of the Council of the Americas, represented this last by David Rockefeller.
Despite his enormous economic power and his ability to influence in the political sphere, Eduardo Elsztain is characterized by a marked low profile. It is much more likely that with regard to the so-called “Crisis in the Countryside”, the public will remember surnames such as Biolcati, Buzzi or De Ángeli, while the new oligarchy that was consolidated after the agricultural strike of 2008, and which was also projected , as the ruling class over the bordering countries of the Southern Cone, practically went unnoticed by the ruling party and opponents: At the time that the country's routes were cut off by pickets supported by the Mesa de Enlace and the transgenic soy produced locally did not get to be shipped, others such as Elsztain made fortunes taking advantage of the moment to export and process the transgenic soy produced in neighboring countries (Paraguay, Bolivia and Brazil) through Argentine ports.
Eduardo Elsztain was for almost ten years the invisible owner of the country, also counting on the political protection of organizations such as the Delegation of Argentine Israelite Associations (DAIA) and the Simon Wiesenthal Center, institutions that, faced with the slightest outline of a criticism of their economic power , immediately assume that they are in the presence of an act of "anti-Semitism", and proceed to denounce it publicly. Only in 2012, and as a result of the transfer of public lands in favor of IRSA to facilitate its "real estate projects" and the illegal construction of a new shopping center in the Palermo neighborhood ("Arcos District"), a certain resistance was generated citizen, who put the name of the character in public space for the first time. With the sticker of street posters signed by the Argentine Confederation of Medium Enterprises (CAME) and the Federation of Commerce and Industry of the City of Buenos Aires (FECOBA) denouncing the illegal appropriation of public space for the benefit of IRSA, the name of Eduardo Elsztain it appeared for the first time associated with prebendaries. It should be remembered that for these actions, both the CAME and the FECOBA were repudiated by the DAIA and the Wiesenthal Center for their “discriminatory messages”, “stigmatizing slogans” and of course, “anti-Semitic hatred”.
Not long after, there were also the scandals of the so-called PRO-K pact in the Legislature of the City of Buenos Aires; a pact that, among other things, was characterized thanks to a megaproject promoted by the national government for the construction of an “Audiovisual Pole” in Isla De Marchi and the rezoning of the lands of the former Boca Juniors Sports City, with the irritating Purpose of implementing an old IRSA project: to build in the area a luxury neighborhood of the highest level called Solares de Santa María (the so-called “Dubai” of the Costanera sur). Both projects were suspended thanks to the action of various organizations that protested during the public sessions and hearings.
In this way, Argentines became aware - as a result of absolutely urban situations, linked to commerce, real estate speculation and the conflict over public space - of the existence and power of one of the men who, ten years before, we denounced from the GRR and from the Horizonte Sur program on National Radio, as one of the main owners of the country.
When we discover that the rising empire has its own legions of sepoys Let us now return to that dependent, primarized country, focused on the production of transgenics, and remember that these new extractive processes of industrial agriculturization destined to sustain the massive export of commodities, have its origin in two situations configured by globalization: On the one hand, the enormous external debt that the military dictatorships left us as a legacy in the 1970s and their growing foreign exchange requirements; and on the other, the emergence at the end of the 90s of the Chinese colossus and its insatiable need for raw materials to establish itself as the world's factory. That is to say; We could not understand the reprimarization of our economies on a Latin American scale if we did not take into account the decisive neo-colonizing role of the Asian power and the hegemonic relations it established on the continent.
We must also - with great sadness and shame - investigate the probable reasons why, as a people, we accept almost happily and without major protests, to become an enclave of transgenic soy production for the Chinese giant. Furthermore, we should say that it was not precisely the transnational corporations that deployed this agro-biotechnological model, but rather sectors from the seventies left, many of them coming from exile and / or from the ranks of the Communist Party. those who designed and promoted the Agribusiness model in our country. The corporations, of course, did not delay in taking advantage of those favorable circumstances in which the intervention of scientific and technical cadres from the field of plant biotechnology - coming from the traditional left - was essential to open the doors to transnational companies, convinced that It was necessary to give them a leading role in the development of the country's productive forces.
Investigating the origins of this aberrant mistake, such as confusing the local subsidiaries of transnational companies with the national bourgeoisie, can lead to debates that are beyond this work and that may have to do with Marxism itself, as well as with the way of assimilating it by our progressive intelligence. What we can affirm is that they were not alone. Throughout those years, which were the years of the installation of the agro-biotechnological model (the aftermath of the menemato and during the government of the Alliance), nothing concerning industrial agriculture, the use of transgenic seeds and the justification The policy of current dependency relations with China was promoted without the backing of the traditional left. The fiery words uttered by Fidel Castro in 2001, at the worst moment in Argentina, are enough as proof, supporting the cultivation of transgenic "soy" in our country.
The stimulus to the domestic market is not aimed at Social Justice, but at enriching Carrefour and the Alto Palermo Shopping Center. Some veiled exponents of the ruling party, even recognizing the tremendous colonizing weight of the extractive model - and in particular of agro-export - rescue the progressive intention to stimulate, through social plans and subsidies, an apparent internal market that would mimic to some extent the old Welfare States typical of the last postwar period. They try to make us forget that the model they now call "national and popular" was installed in the 1990s, combining food industrialization with chemical agriculture and biotechnology. They try to make us forget that the Agribusiness model included the constitution of agrifood chains and the vertical integration of companies, both in the industrial production of animals, as well as in the growing supermarkets.
Banked welfare and the stimulation of consumption that stimulated progressivism throughout the so-called “Gained Decade”, has been an indispensable component within the framework of the same model: Soybeanization, the depopulation of the countryside and the compulsive concentration of population in the immense conurbations of poverty, where they are reduced to the obligatory clientele of welfare and the consumption of junk food.
Let us also not forget that the Chinese colossus intends to establish itself as the world's factory, since, in addition to insatiably requiring raw materials, it needs to place the massive products of its industry in specific locations. This means that the expansion of the new globalized colonialism needs to open more and more local markets, more areas of mass consumption to place its products. The global market that China intends to hegemonize will definitely be the result of its dominance in local, regional and continental markets.
When we were globalized, but we did not want to take notice The obstinacy on the part of certain sectors in ignoring the particularities of globalization, added to the unsuccessful attempt to understand these complex phenomena from biased or fragmentary views of reality, led to paradoxical and even scandalous situations. This happens when, from positions of the left and pretending to make use of Marxism, some rogues argue that the correlation of forces that the government would require to fight the corporations is currently not enough. To justify this reasoning, they add that while waiting for such popular support, these intermediate stages must be recognized as necessary parts of an overall process. The argument is made that there are no other power alternatives, or it is recognized that there are others, but that they are worse and it is necessary to opt for the "lesser evil", validating the most degrading decisions made by the national government. What some call "pending issues", when they recognize a problem in soybeanization, mega-mining or fracking, and are not able to admit that in reality those "pending issues" are rather the hard core of the Kirchner model, without which even Kirchnerism could not be what it is.
There is also a lack of astute people who, with regard to these situations, remind us that the best is the enemy of the good, a Peronian success that many did not know how to respect or abide by at the time and that now, with traces of guilty conscience, apply out of time . The consequence of these anachronistic reasoning is revealed in a partialization of reality: Many claim to highlight as important achievements the government's social measures, such as the Universal Child Allowance (AUH) or the extension to many layers of the unprotected population of the the right to a minimum pension or retirement, as if they were independent of the national subjection to a soybean-mining-exporter complex dominated by transnational corporations. They are unable to admit - much less to problematize - that the AUH is a local version of countless similar plans promoted and financed by the World Bank for the region, or that the Mortgage Bank controlled by Eduardo Elsztain will do a great business as Trustee of the Pro.Cre.Ar plan financed by ANSES. That is to say, with the money of the retirees themselves.
The replications of these models throughout Latin America, models in which the new dependencies are complemented with welfare policies, are promoted by governments linked to progressive and modernizing thinking. These common notes prove that we are not facing an exceptional situation, but we are witnessing a process of new colonialities perfectly harmonized with globalization.
Currently, the slowdown in the economic growth of the Chinese colossus translates into the crises of the so-called “emerging countries”, perhaps as a pre-announcement of the end of a time when high international commodity prices were enough for Argentina to become hope to maintain a permanent inflow of foreign currency to finance, among other things, an illusory "industrial development with import substitution" (basically a production complex with zero added value, explained mainly by a transnational automotive industry dependent almost entirely on imported inputs , and at the assembly terminals located in Tierra del Fuego).
For ten years we reiterated, in various writings, the enormous risks involved in maintaining an economy dependent in almost absolute terms on the export of transgenic soybeans, added to the structural weakness of having, in addition, exchange relations similar to the center-periphery scheme, in where an imperialist market buys our raw materials while supplying us with industrial manufactures in almost all areas ... even nails and screws. Now we pay the consequences. China is shaking and Argentina feels that it is on the verge of collapse. To make matters worse, the intoxication of the soy festival allowed us to happily forget for ten years the immense foreign debt, whose maturities now overwhelm us and it is necessary to do everything possible to obtain foreign exchange.
When the old clothes and tragedies become farce and grotesque The memories of that revolution expressed by Peronism were shattered through various political, economic and cultural instruments. The repression unleashed after the military coup of 1955, added to the developmentalist illusion of friggerism-frondizism, the loss and tear of the 1970s, the fierce social discipline of the last military dictatorship based on institutionalized horror and later, by The aberrations perpetrated by Menemism and at present, by the sophisticated historical distortion operated by Kirchnerism, contributed to a generalized dislocation of popular memories, a process that paved the way for an abusive use of said symbolic heritage for the acceptance of a new coloniality model.
Beyond this schematic interpretation, it is clear that thanks to this uninterrupted sequence of political processes that made Argentina once again a colonial country, the misrepresenting enterprise of the intelligentsia had the free way to launch its campaigns against the genuine meanings of national liberation. . Currently in Argentina, the fascination for neo-developmentalist models promoted by Latin American progressivism, locally resulted in the regression of post-Peronism to retrograde forms typical of the developmentalism of the 1960s. Without going any further, in several writings we have explained at length about how, the constant claim that is made of the figure of John William Cooke, first as a support for Frondizi and then as a man of the Cuban revolution, as well as the excessive emphasis that it is usually printed to the role played by FORJA in the origins of Peronism. Both examples contribute to the historical justification of this new developmentalism, backed by a bourgeois progressiveness that summons the most diverse political extractions.
We could not fail to point out - with great regret - how much in this justifying eagerness, in the art of mounting false antinomies and in the elaboration of painted cardboard scenarios, the role of the pro-government intellectuals that meet in the National Library has weighed. This institution has become, by the work and grace of former colleagues, a great factory of stories and a powerhouse for the cover-ups of the new dependencies. If to these losses, crouching and forgetfulness of many exponents of old militancies, we add the own errors of the thinking of a traditional left - seriously put into examination in the face of the crisis of modernity and climate change - still incapable on the other hand, of To escape from nineteenth-century emancipatory schemes, what we will obtain are the main reasons that explain the widespread servitude of the party militancies to the neocolonial model and the causes of the generalized defenselessness of our People.
In the midst of the anxieties of Argentine society, faced, as in a carousel with the cyclical and dramatic repetition of similarly painful situations, there is no shortage of militants and intellectuals functional to the system who surprise us by discovering only now, the immense power of exporters , and raise their voices demanding government measures that put control over the constant hemorrhage of foreign currency that we suffer. Foolish and late cackling from that henhouse of scribes who have their refuge in the National Library.
For years they ignored globalization and ignored the transnational companies that, such as Cargill, Bunge, ADM, Dreyfus, Nidera, Toepfer, Noble, Vicentín, Aceitera Gral. Deheza, Molinos Río de la Plata, Louis Dreyfus, among others, controlled exports and they proceeded with absolute impunity and without state controls, as our friend Julio Nudler repeatedly denounced until his death, on Page 12. We include in these complaints a famous note from 2004 entitled “De Títeres y Pupiriteros” in which, this forgotten but Meritorious journalist, revealed the systematic action of destruction and emptying of the State control bodies that Néstor Kirchner's men were carrying out. Precisely, this motivated that this note was scandalously censored by the then director of the official newspaper, Ernesto Tiffenberg.
In the same way, those "organic intellectuals" who for years insinuated us that the Universal Child Allowance (AUH) and the extended pensions somehow anticipated the socialism that they had promised us as a wonderful generation, now promote campaigns against personalities from the State. side of some of the companies that participate in the model. As during the crisis unleashed by resolution 125 in 2008, they are covering up appearances with a new shameless drill; simulation that, in short, does nothing but try to legitimize the continuity of the Agribusiness system, beyond the change of government in 2015.
When reality is like a burning nail The agro-mining-exporter model assisted and legitimized by leftist narratives has reached a critical point and is watering. We already have about 25 million hectares of transgenic crops and an accelerated deterioration of the soils, as well as a significant rise in inputs and a notoriously narrow profit margins for farmers in the field. This situation can hardly be reversed, since while the price of inputs rises, that of commodities tends to stagnate or fall. In reality, the crisis is not suffered only by us, but it affects all the so-called emerging countries, countries that tied themselves to the Asian giant, that concentrated their efforts on the production of one or two export products and abandoned all hope in autonomous developments . China seems to have reached a ceiling in its growth, this situation is perhaps irreversible, especially considering the terrible Climate Changes that will occur as a result of having exceeded 400 ppm of CO2 in the planetary atmosphere, and leaves in a compromised situation the countries that bet their fate on a single card.
Memories of the future
We would like to end this writing, making compassionate and supportive reference to the millions of men and women who, in this process and under tightly urban and modernizing patterns of thought, were compulsively uprooted from the places where they lived and forced to emigrate to the big cities. . Millions of beings unemployed by a model of industrial agriculture that discarded labor and that required immense territories empty of population, became desolate beings in the purest Castilian sense of the word. Populations that had to emigrate due to unemployment, because they had been expelled from the fields in which they lived, or for reasons such as the constant fumigations and contamination of territories that led to the fact that many places became practically uninhabitable.
The projection of the new oligarchy on the neighboring countries of the Southern Cone and the smuggling of Monsanto seeds across borders, added them to the great project of the United Republic of Soybeans, a project that years ago the Syngenta company shamelessly proposed to us. . Se añadieron de esa manera, nuevas e innumerables legiones de desocupados y desarraigados latinoamericanos a nuestros conurbanos, hasta convertirlos en las actuales inmensas periferias de pobreza e indigencia. Por un lado, tenemos paisajes devastados, territorios desertizados, profundamente deforestados, con una monstruosa pérdida de la biodiversidad; y por la otra, poblaciones desoladas, hacinadas en megalópolis, condenadas a vivir entre inundaciones y deshechos tóxicos. No son impactos colaterales como muchos tecnócratas repiten con evidente ánimo exculpatorio; son, por el contrario, consecuencias perfectamente previsibles de las decisiones tomadas por la dirigencia política para favorecer a las corporaciones transnacionales; consecuencias que deberían al menos haber sospechado. Esta es la terrible realidad que nos deja un modelo que está llegando a su consumación, y en la que todos quedamos expuestos al colapso.
Debemos, tomar conciencia del camino recorrido y de la necesidad imprescindible de apostar por cambios radicales. La sojización amenaza sencillamente dejarnos sin país y sin suelos aptos para cultivar nuestros alimentos. Pero estas realidades que para muchos desvelados todavía forman parte del terreno de las abstracciones, son en cambio el infierno de cada día para millones de seres humanos urbanizados de forma compulsiva, una encerrona en la que están cautivos y sin mayores esperanzas. Rehenes de los diversos punteros y grupos sociales (kirchneristas, filokirchneristas, antikirchneristas y de la izquierda funcional), están obligados a la servidumbre de participar en actos políticos y piquetes, a cambio de planes sociales o, en el peor de los casos, de bolsones de comida.
Las periferias urbanas son el lugar donde los aparatos represivos y las mafias coinciden y se coaligan para generar negociados basados en la explotación de mano de obra barata, esclava o infantil, como el narcotráfico, la trata de personas y la prostitución generalizada. Otros casos dan cuenta de muchos territorios que son paulatinamente ocupadas por el poder narco que desplaza poco a poco a la policía de su empresa criminal. Para los peri urbanizados y para sus hijos queda tan sólo la marihuana fermentada con tóxicos para las plagas que les enferma los pulmones, o directamente el paco que les quema el cerebro. Las cocinas de la droga se mueven a su antojo por esas periferias desoladas y para muchos, alquilarles el rancho por unas horas puede significar la diferencia entre comer o no comer durante varios días.
El asistencialismo y el clientelismo han hecho estragos en el campo de la cultura y de los mecanismos para la supervivencia. Condenados a vivir en un contexto de egoísmo extremo, los desplazados deben sobrevivir en el más puro desamparo, en muchos casos renegando de sus propias identidades culturales para asimilarse a una identidad urbana atravesada por los valores de la sociedad de consumo. Deben renegar de una cultura que implicaba reconocimientos y reciprocidades, pero que por sobre todas las cosas implicaba un suelo dónde arraigarse para vivir en comunidad. Para peor, se les priva de muchos de los recursos de que disponían naturalmente para sobrevivir en situaciones difíciles: algunos municipios del gran Buenos Aires –varios de los cuales continúan siendo semirurales- se empeñan en imponer numerosas prohibiciones de carácter urbano-consumista en las periferias, donde ya no permiten ni siquiera tener un pequeño gallinero o un lechón para engorde. La dirigencia política parece empeñada en consolidar una urbanización total, extendiendo el desamparo de todos, aunque ello signifique condenarlos al hambre. Parecen decididos a borrar todos los relictos de vida autónoma o campesina que pudieran pervivir en las barriadas. Confían en la militancia rentada y en las organizaciones sociales para contener posibles estallidos, que en otras circunstancias habrían sido inevitables.
Intuimos que en el porvenir se debatirá una tensión entre los hombres y mujeres acorralados, que pugnarán por liberarse del aprisionamiento de los aparatos clientelares. Porque a diferencia de otras épocas, el concepto de revolución ya casi nada expresa y, a pesar de nuestros desvelos, no hemos podido insuflarle otros contenidos que modifiquen las generalizadas perspectivas de factura eurocéntrica sobre el poder, la racionalidad y el control de poblaciones. Desde la muerte de Juan Perón, sin duda han sido los sectores medios los que han luchado por apropiarse del destino común de los argentinos. La incógnita, desde entonces, ha sido la de saber si esos sectores medios o las organizaciones que los expresaban, podrían llegar a ser los artífices de ese destino tan deseado, tal como en otras épocas lo fueron los caudillos y lo fuera Perón en la posguerra. Bajo diversas banderas y discursos, los intentos se han repetido una y otra vez, a lo largo de la historia contemporánea… inútilmente. Desde la Plaza de Lonardi a la de los Montoneros; desde el menemismo y Chacho Álvarez hasta Néstor y Cristina, toda la partidocracia clasemediera ha operado como una maquinaria hegemónica de desclasamiento y desmemoria. Pero nunca como en estas épocas aciagas, estos sectores habían conseguido un desmantelamiento tan profundo de las resistencias; nunca como ahora lograron tanta parálisis en los sectores populares. Todo porvenir se hace por ello, totalmente incierto y es probable que continuemos dando vueltas en el gastado carrusel de los relatos y de los ensueños del poder de los sectores medios.
A los vencidos, al pueblo llano que alguna vez fuera grasita o descamisado, le queda siempre y por supuesto, probar el antiguo camino de la Rebelión, camino en el que se trataría de recuperar -como tantas otras veces en la historia- la propia y secuestrada humanidad, para ir una vez más detrás de aspiraciones de justicia y de felicidad en comunidad. Ahora, y como pocas veces antes, es realmente poco lo que tienen para perder. Lo que no sabemos todavía, es si acaso les han dejado las fuerzas suficientes como para que vuelvan a soñar esos sueños, y puedan quebrantar el desaliento y la malla de contención que hoy los encierra.
1 Me permito denominar “Nomenklatura” a esta nueva oligarquía por sus semejanzas con la plutocracia rusa post-soviética, que por una parte se adueña de las empresas –de las que fueron funcionarios o testaferros- y que por la otra, crece como oligarquía prebendaria a costa del Estado. Este caso en la Argentina fue denominado de distintas maneras: “Patria Contratista”, “Capitalismo de Amigos”, etc.
Grupo de Reflexión Rural (GRR)